Category: Opinion

  • An Incursion into Raping By Oluwatoyin Hawal Momolosho

    By: Oluwatoyin Hawal Momolosho

    In Nigeria of today, raping has become the main menace in our country. About two days ago , I read one of my brother’s pieces, Abdulganiyu Abdulrahman Oniyere, an advocate of Peace and ambassador of Islamic Studies. When I got deep in thought in his piece, I became well inspired to write my own, too. Though it was written by him in 2020, but I comprehended a lot there to speak out. I am glad to have read your piece.

    As we know that, “appearance shows the manner” – true! Whatever you want to do, make an appearance as the first choice for you to succeed in it. A lot of girls have taken modern wear as their lifestyle dress such which exposes all their secure things in their bodies, and goes a long way to destroy most girls’ lives and future.

    The nature of insecurity in Nigeria, if examined, will be inexhaustible. Kidnapping, raping, armed banditry, abductions, and of course, terrorist attacks are among the main forms of insecurity that Nigerians face today. Meanwhile, Nigeria’s true colour now is totally bad and dangerous. Today, girls dress abnormally around the road and street with some unthinking of the outcome of it.

    The society is the largest home for the youth, and is the most corrupt, devilish, and bad influence which children encounter that causes damage to their future.

    First advice for our girls nowadays is to maintain their movement and their clothes. Because those two are the essential things to deal with for our girls. You dress out half-naked and ask why you were rape? It’s because you called for customers and that’s why they came. And any of your movement, maintain it if you want to get rid of all the nonsense happening in the country.

    Moreover, parents lack training children well nowadays. In some families, male children are not well trained. Likewise, female children. And worst case scenario, most boys get on the street to succeed outside there, and out there, nobody caters for them. And when no money is forthcoming in the hustling engaged in, they find their way to join bad gangs, and later graduate to criminals in the society.

    In conclusion, every social organization has a role to play here. There must be daily or weekly orientation for male and female about sex education. Because, the change should start from individual houses before every institution takes steps on it. Society of reform should be brought into the realm of reality. Not to leave out how government must take up roles to curb the society of this ill with adequate orientation given on sex and how to dress modestly.

    Oluwatoyin Hawal Momolosho writes

    You can also reach him via

    Oluwatoyinhawalbolaji@gmail.com

  • Pantami’s Professorship: Why I Will Continue Calling FUTO, Fraudsters’ University Of Technology, Kperogi

    Pantami’s Professorship: Why I Will Continue Calling FUTO, Fraudsters’ University Of Technology, Kperogi

    A professor of Journalism in the United States and foremost columnist, Farooq Kperogi, has given details why he will continue to call the Federal University of Technology (FUTO) Fraudsters’ University of Technology over the professorship given to the Minister of Communications and Digital Economy, Isa Pantami.

    Pantami was in September last year appointed the professorship of the university and the award received condemnations from some academics including the Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU) who demanded for the withdrawal of the professorship.

    However, on Tuesday in a series of tweets on his Twitter handle, Kperogi disclosed that despite the calls by some well-meaning alumni of the university who reached out to him requested that he spared them the embarrassment of calling their alma mater fraudsters’ university, he would continue to call the insitution in such name.

    According to his tweets: “A couple of well-meaning alumni of the Federal University of Technology, Owerri, reached out to me and requested that I spare them the embarrassment of calling their alma mater the Fraudsters’ University of Technology, Owerri.

    “They have my sympathy, but here’s why I won’t stop calling FUTO a treacherous den of conscienceless intellectual fraudsters. It has nothing to do with the graduates of the school, many of whom have distinguished themselves in their fields and are a pride not just to their school but also to Nigeria.

    “It has everything to do with the school’s vacuous and mercenary vice chancellor— who sold a “professorship” to a vain, insecure, emotionally unstable, psychologically damaged kook— and with the gormless idiots in ASUU FUTO who endorsed, justified and defended her fraud. FUTO’s Pantamized professorial fraud has no precedent in Nigeria. None at all.

    “I have seen examples of people in government being promoted to the professorial rank by universities from which they were seconded to serve in government. That’s defensible because such people are still technically employed by their universities and are only sojourning in government service. But Pantami was never employed by FUTO. He is not on secondment from FUTO. He just woke up one day and said he wanted the title “Professor” to be prefixed to his name to heal the inexplicably deep sense of inferiority complex he nurses.

    “He approached three universities in the North who rejected him. Then he approached FUTO through shady intermediaries whose names I’ve chosen to withhold for now. Because FUTO has no standards, no conscience, no morals, and no pretense to even the wispiest shred of basic decency, it violated its own time-honoured traditions and regulations and “promoted” a government minister not previously in their employ to the professorial rank in exchange for all kinds of unethical inducements. That’s unprecedented corruption and abuse of power in the university system.

    “When I called them out, they said the minister wasn’t ‘promoted’ but ‘appointed,’ although in the statement announcing the fraud, the term ‘promoted’ was used. But saying he was aappointed’ made the fraud even worse because Pantami does not meet the criteria that FUTO’s own governing board set for promotion to the rank of professor.

    “As I repeatedly said, FUTO’s job ad requires 12 years of post-PhD teaching and research experience to be appointed to a professorship, which Pantami miserably falls short of not to mention that, by law, Pantami can’t take another federal government appointment (whether or not he receives compensation for it) while he serves as a minister.

    “In spite of the manifest illegality of ‘appointing’ a powerful government minister who was not a FUTO employee to a ‘professorship,’ the VC defended it, and ASUU FUTO, which should be the conscience of the university, justified it with nauseatingly illiterate glee.

    “To make matters even more criminally hilarious, the VC who perpetrated this extraordinarily demonstrable intellectual fraud is suing the national body of ASUU for calling out her fraud and is also impotently threatening to sue me for leading the charge to hold her to account. That happens only in a fraudsters’ university.

    “If FUTO’s alumni want me to stop calling their university the Fraudsters’ University of Technology, Owerri, they should sue the VC and the governing board of the university for desecrating their alma mater’s traditions by fraudulently conferring a fraudulent professorship on a fraudulent minister who has not the remotest affiliation with their university.”

  • Kanuri Origins of the Tinubu Family by FAROUK KPEROGI

    There is probably no “indigenous” Lagos family that is more famous than the Tinubu family. But, although the family is now clearly culturally Yoruba, its ethnic provenance is traceable to what is now Borno State, according to Lagos historians, underscoring the historical and sociological inaccuracy of notions of ethnic purism in Nigeria.

    The patriarch of the Tinubu family, historians of Lagos say, was a Kanuri man known as Momodu [it was most probably Modu since Kanuris tend to shorten Muhammad to Modu] Bugara who was also alternately called Momoh Abubakar, Momoh Bukar, or Alfa Ibunu. He was an Islamic scholar who migrated from the defunct Bornu Empire to what was then the Lagos Colony in the 1800s and achieved some renown in the Lagos society.

    In the mid-1800s, he was employed as an Islamic spiritual guardian by Madam Efunroye Tinubu, a famous wealthy slave trader, power broker, and agitator in Lagos (who was later banished to Abeokuta by the Lagos Oba of the time). In time, the spiritual guardian fell in love with his employer, and they got married.

    But the marriage didn’t produce children. Apparently, the childlessness of the marriage was a consequence of Madam Tinubu’s infertility because she consented to Bugara marrying other women with whom he bore children.

    A mark of the cordiality that existed between Madam Tinubu and Alfa Bugara in spite of Bugara’s marriage to other women and having children by them was evident in the fact that Bugara’s children adopted Tinubu as their family name even though they didn’t share any filiation with Madam Tinubu.

    I distilled these tidbits about the history of the Tinubu family from an insightful inaugural lecture titled “The Undertaker, the Python’s Eye and Footsteps of the Ant: The Historian’s Burden” delivered by Professor Siyan Oyeweso at the Lagos State University (LASU) in 2006. Oyeweso, one of Nigeria’s well-regarded historians who had an extensive academic career at LASU, now teaches at the Osun State University.

    Professor Oyeweso quoted Madam Tinubu’s biographer by the name of Oladipo Yemitan as saying that while most people who bear the Tinubu name were children of Bugara who had no direct blood link with Madam Tinubu, scions of her former slaves and relatives from Abeokuta also bear it.

    “During this association of Momoh Bukar and Efunroye Tinubu, the latter’s name was so pervasive and all-embracing that all within the household perforce assumed the name ‘Tinubu’,” Oyeweso quoted Yemitan to have written. “Included in this household were the children of Momoh Bukar by his other wives and Madame Tinubu’s relatives from Abeokuta who had joined her in Lagos and lived with her. Of course, a number of slaves also assumed the name.”

    Nonetheless, based on my own knowledge of the people and sociology of Kanem-Bornu, Momodu Bugara was not Kanuri—at least not on his patrilineal side. He was most certainly a Shuwa Arab. Shuwa Arabs, who have been integral to the Bornu society for centuries and who number a little over a million in contemporary Borno State, are called “Baggara” [i.e., cattle herders] by Middle Eastern Arabs. I am certain that “Bugara” is the corruption of “Baggara” by Lagosians of the 1800s.

    Although several Baggara people (whom Kanuris call “Shuwa Arabs”) still speak their dialect of the Arabic language, often called Chadian Arabic in the linguistics literature, many of them have intermarried with the dominant Kanuri people in Borno and have adopted the Kanuri language. The late Abba Kyari was a Kanurised Shuwa Arab/Baggara. For all you know, Abba Kyari and the “Bugara” line of the Tinubu family in Lagos may share distant ancestral links!

    Now, why is this history important? For one, it helps to exemplify the complexity and syncretism of ethnic identity in Nigeria. For another it says something about the name “Tinubu” particularly in light of Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s declaration that he wants to be the next president of Nigeria.

    When Professor Oyeweso delivered his lecture in 2006, Bola Tinubu was the governor of Lagos State. This fact wasn’t lost on Oyeweso.

    “Mr. Vice – Chancellor, Sir, today, the current administration of Lagos State is headed by a Tinubu,” he said. “The Tinubu’s [sic] are also generally acknowledged as Lagosians. Another Tinubu headed the Lagos State Civil Service for five years. Others had distinguished themselves in journalism, security and community services, the organised private sector and in other walks of life.”

    But this is where Oyeweso got it all wrong. Bola Ahmed Tinubu is not a member of any version of the Tinubu family. He is neither from the original Abeokuta Tinubu bloodline, the “Bugara” pedigree, nor the slave line of descent.

    Bola Tinubu is from a town in Osun State called Iragbiji, which is the headquarters of Boripe Local Government Area. His older sister is the mother of Alhaji Gboyega Oyetola, the current governor of Osun State. By several credible accounts, including from informants in Iragbiji, Bola Tinubu’s original name was Amoda Lamidi Sangodele.

    Amoda is the Yoruba Muslim domestication of Ahmad (which underwent phonetic transformation from Ahmad to Amadu to Amoda). The vowels in the name (“o” and “a” were merely transposed.

    Lamidi is the Yoruba Muslim domestication of Abdulhamid. As I wrote in my July 13, 2014, column titled “Top 10 Yoruba Names You Never Guessed Were Arabic Names,” because of Yoruba people’s fondness for the short forms of names, they often dispense with “Abdul” in Muslim names that begin with that prefix. So that leaves us with Hamid.

    Now, there is something some people call the “h-factor” in Yoruba, which is the tendency for Yoruba speakers to unconsciously eliminate the “h” sound in words in which it is normally pronounced and to add it to words that don’t have it when they encounter a foreign language. So “eat” is often pronounced as “heat” and “heat” is pronounced as “it.”

    Given this phonological characteristic, “Hamid” becomes “Amid,” but the interference of the “l” sound in “Abdul” also causes it to be rendered as “Lamid.” Like in all Niger Congo languages, it’s unnatural for words to not have a terminal vowel in Yoruba, so a terminal vowel is added to Lamid to produce Lamidi.

    In other words, in his current name, only “Ahmed” is faithful to his original name since Amoda is the domestication of Ahmad, which is often orthographically Anglicised as “Ahmed.”

    Pastor Tunde Bakare helped to push this aspect of Tinubu’s past into the center of national consciousness during a dishonest sermon in December 2020 that pretended to defend Tinubu. In my December 26, 2020, column titled “Bakare Didn’t Defend Tinubu; He Defanged Him,” I unpacked Bakare’s sly unmasking of Tinubu’s identity chicanery.

    I wrote: “In Bakare’s political homily, he basically affirmed all the hitherto fringy whispers about Tinubu: that he is from Iragbiji in Osun State; that his current name is not his original name; that he has disowned his biological parents and ‘adopted’ the Tinubu family of Lagos with whom he has zero consanguineal affiliation; that the late legendary Alhaja Abibat Mogaji of Lagos is not Tinubu’s biological mother…”

    It’s also intriguing, by the way, that “Mogaji,” the last name of Tinubu’s adopted mother, is the Yoruba domestication of the Hausa name Magaji, which means successor or inheritor. I am curious to know what Alhaja Abibat Mogaji’s ancestral story is. Like her last name, Tinubu’s daughter, Folashade, has become an inheritor of Alhaja Abibat’s “Ìyál’ọ́jà of Lagos” title and privileges.

    Well, I can understand Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s opportunistic adoption of the Tinubu name as his family. After all, most people identified with the Tinubu family name in Lagos today aren’t related to Madam Efunroye Tinubu who popularised it in nineteenth-century Lagos.

    If descendants of Kanurised Shuwa Arabs (or Baggara) can be Tinubu, why not an Amoda Lamidi Sangodele, a Yoruba man from Iragbiji? But I don’t and can’t understand why he would also “adopt” Alhaja Mogaji as his mother to the point of shunning the funeral of his own biological mother in Iragbiji, according to the late Yinka Odumakin. Well, make of that what you will.

  • N100Million Challenge And Davido’s Super Donation To The Orphanage

    N100Million Challenge And Davido’s Super Donation To The Orphanage

    By: Busy Brain

    For the past few months, one who is familiar with my writings and updates on pages of newspapers, either Nigerian Tribune, the Nation, or any of the online platforms would observe a hiatus. Countless times, I have been challenged by associates, friends, fans through calls and text messages for not writing for a long time. Jokingly, someone said the reality of life has dawned on me beyond writings. Of course, the reality of life has dawned on a larger portion of average Nigerians as a result of the current economic downturn. But for not putting my thoughts together like before, it is not about reality in the dawn, it is about the negligence, the jabberwocky, and disjointed governance in Nigeria. One with deep thought will lose interest in virtually everything in Nigeria. Massive killings, aggressive increase in the price of products and services, among others are the reality facing Nigerians without egress.

    While my pen and paper were maintaining siesta, Nigerian virtuoso, David Adeleke, popularly known as Davido just stirred my pen and reasoning faculty as a result of his massive 100 Million naira challenge which later sum up to 200 million naira.

    In less than 48 hours, the Osun-born popstar made huge millions of naira from fans, lovers, families, friends, and well-wishers to celebrate his birthday. Initially, many derogatory remarks have been slammed on the singer for demanding money in the public. Of course, such development is rare for a billionaire who is the son of a billionaire to start begging for money on social media. Funnily enough, he said he wanted to use the money to clear his Roll Royce. Least of wonders that he never disclosed the premise of his sudden hustles. He kept it within himself and play along by not responding to jibes and taunts. Incredible!

    What Davido did has never been done by any celebrity in Nigeria. When it comes to charity and offerings, Nigerian celebrities lack courtesy in that regard. They rarely help themselves not to talk of citizens. Davido has taught many how to celebrate birthdays, how to entrench charity, and how to give back to society.

    Had Davido announced what he wanted to do with the money, such donation will never see the rays of light in millions. What people do with their money is none of anyone’s business but credit must be accorded to one whose instinct propelled others to unknowingly engage in the act of charity. What a blessed soul!

    If not for anything, Davido deserves honor and encomiums from all quarters as he broke another record among counterparts. I’m a lover of music in general but now a lover of Davido in particular. The level of charity that runs in Adeleke’s family is one to be reckoned with. Davido has won many hearts for his gesture and not only for himself but for his uncle in a gubernatorial race in Osun State.

    Davido’s second moniker should be wisdom for adding his personal 50 million naira to the money donated. It is a big shut up for anyone who would think he cannot offer his personal money to the orphanage if not for donations. The likes of Obi Cubana and other giant contributors should embrace the precept ingrained. Jamboree and profligate spending to stir jarring din and hourly hoopla in the media should not be a priority.

    The government has failed the masses and Davido has led the struggles to take over to render help with utmost accountability. He has made his part count in the forest of the brave and he has initiated a legacy for generous minds. Happy birthday to superman. The one in a million!

    Busy Brain is an award-winning writer, journalist, columnist, Public Relations Practitioner, he writes from Offa, Kwara State.
    BeezyBrain247@gmail.com
    Twitter: @BusyBraincom1
    Instagram: @Officialbusybrain
    Facebook page: @BusyBrain.com
    WhatsApp: 08169197486

  • Sponsors of Nigeria’s Terrorist Bandits

    Sponsors of Nigeria’s Terrorist Bandits

    By Farouq Kperogi

    On October 20, 2021, the bandits, whom the Wall Street Journal says have “collaborators inside the army” and who are “better equipped with larger-capacity advanced weaponry than national security agencies,” detonated explosives on the Abuja-Kaduna rail tracks and caused the indefinite suspension of rail transportation between Abuja and Kaduna.

    What has become transparently apparent in the last few months is that the plague of so-called Fulani herdsmen banditry is way deeper and more complex than we have persuaded ourselves to believe. The menace we self-deceptively and simplistically attenuate as mere “banditry” is nothing short of well-oiled, deep-rooted, well-practised, and well-organised mercenary terrorism whose tentacles have spread to unthought-of social territories of the Nigerian society.

    Early this month, I had a lengthy conversation with a well-placed Nigerian government official on a whole host of issues, including the escalating, never-ending scourge of mass abductions for ransom in vast swathes of the country. In the course of our conversation, he casually shared with me a disturbing story that, for me, strikes at the core of why terroristic banditry won’t go away anytime soon.

    He was involved in negotiations for the release of abductees some months back. The multi-million-naira ransom paid to the “abductors,” he said, went through a tortuous chain of command that finally ended up with some armed, well-nourished, out-of-state individuals. In other words, although the kidnappers were bucolic Fulani, the people who finally received the ransom weren’t.

    In any case, as most people know, most of the cattle that the Fulani herders rear don’t belong to them; they belong to wealthy city dwellers (and some prosperous rural folks) from all over Nigeria.

    Well, the anecdote that the government official shared with me recalls a viral video of a “bandit” in one of the northwestern states swearing in Hausa that “bandits” aren’t independent actors, that they are armed and financed by well-placed people in the society who take advantage of their poverty and disaffiliation from mainstream society to recruit them.

    To be clear, I am not by any means absolving Fulani herders from responsibility for kidnapping. I just want to transcend the surface on which we have dwelled for far too long.

    I also connected the dots between what the government official told me and a message that trended in Nigerian social media circles in May 2019 about a woman who was threatened with abduction but given the option to pay N5 million into a bank account to avert her kidnap.

    A portion of the narration is worth reproducing without authorial intervention: “She took it up. Went to the bank with some assistance from influential friends. They asked that the account be flagged…. Bank did checks. Bank said the account cannot be flagged else they will lose influential clients. How so? The names attached to the account are powerful names. That the kidnap ring pays some top persons percentage from the ransome [sic] paid. She was advised to jejelygoan [sic] pay her POTENTIAL KIDNAPPERS. I was speechless for over 5 minutes.”

    If you think this is a made-up story, read Daily Trust’s July 28, 2021 story titled “Kidnappers in FCT Begin Collection Of Ransom Through Banks.” When a Mrs. Aminat Adewuyi was kidnapped in Niger State, the kidnappers threatened to slaughter her if her relatives didn’t deposit N5 million naira into an Access Bank account.

    The amount was later scaled back. “The ransom payment slip, a copy of which was obtained by Daily Trust showed that Adewuyi’s husband paid N500,000 into an Access Bank account with number 1403762272 and the name Badawi Abba Enterprise,” the paper reported.

    Also recall that late last month even the National Youth Service Corps advised youth corps members posted to abduction-prone roads like “Abuja-Kaduna, Abuja-Lokoja-Okene, or Aba-Port Harcourt” to let “family members, friends and colleagues to have someone on hand to pay off the ransom that could be demanded” in the event of their abduction. This piece of advice was frozen in a handbook distributed to corps members.

    It’s easy to explain away the NYSC advice as merely an organisation being pragmatic and making peace with the ever-present reality of mass abductions in the country. But the listless capitulation to mercenary terroristic bandits by almost all segments of the Nigerian government, including security outfits, points to high-profile complicity, in my opinion.

    The Daily Nigerian reported on October 21 that security agencies had intercepted communication between “a notorious bandit” and his “associate.” “The report, dated October 19, 2021 and entitled ‘PLANNED ATTACK ON TRAIN AROUND RIJANA, KADUNA STATE,’ said the terrorists were heard discussing about the planned attack by Darul Salam terrorists in concert with two bandit kingpins, Danlami and Lawan (not real names),” the news site reported.

    It quoted the security report to have said, “Baffa informed Bala that members of Darussalam (Boko Haram) in collaboration with bandits led by Danlami and Lawan are currently on their way to plant a bomb at a bridge on the railway in Rijana to hijack a moving train and kidnap the passengers. Baffa said he decided not to participate in the operation because it is risky but believed that DANLAMI and LAWAN will blow up the bridge.”

    Why was the report, which the paper said was “circulated across security agencies,” ignored? Was this complicity, incompetence, or indifference? I am inclined to think it’s complicity, especially in light of the Wall Street Journal’s not-surprising revelation that mercenary terrorist bandits have “collaborators inside the army.”

    Here are my own extrapolations based on the facts I’ve encountered these past few months. While uneducated, pastoral, semi-nomadic Fulani herders are the public face of mass abductions for ransom in the country, they are just branches of a tree whose roots are buried deep beneath the surface. The herders are mere expendable foot soldiers of people who have privileged connections to the government and the private sector.

    Peasant, semi nomadic Fulani herders who have lost their cattle have historically served as an inexhaustible pool of lumpen proletariat to conscript into all kinds of conflicts. In the early 1800s, for instance, they constituted a huge percentage of Afonja’s army in his fight against the Alaafin of Oyo. In “A Little New Light: Selected Historical Writings of Professor Abdullahi Smith,” the late Abdullahi Smith wrote that Fulani pastoralists who lost their cattle to tsetse fly bites in Yoruba land and “had nothing to lose” became Afonja’s mercenaries.

    The domination of abduction for ransom by Fulani pastoralists who have lost their cattle seems to me like the recrudescence of what happened in the 1800s—and at other historical epochs. Killing the abductors will do nothing to stop the problem because they are merely the branches of a tree. You don’t kill a tree by cutting off its branches because new branches will sprout in time.

    You kill a tree by uprooting it. That means identifying the funders and real beneficiaries of mass abductions in the country. From the information I am privy to, they are elites who are not necessarily Fulani. They are a pan-Nigerian gang of ruthless buccaneers who are united by rapaciousness and vileness.

    But instead of confronting this grave existential threat to Nigeria, Abubakar Malami, the Attorney General of the Federation and Minister of Justice, is obsessed with blabbering about who the “sponsors” of Sunday Igboho and Nnamdi Kanu are.

    This is the same guy who refused to name and identify people who have been exposed by the United Arab Emirates as sponsors of Boko Haram terrorists because, according to him, “naming and shaming of suspects is not embarked upon as a policy by the federal Government out of sheer respect for the constitutional rights of Nigerians relating to presumption of innocence.”

    Naming and shaming of sponsors of terrorism is unconstitutional but the naming and shaming of the “sponsors” of Nnamdi Kanu and Sunday Igboho isn’t. That is all you need to know on why mercenary terroristic banditry will endure for as long as incompetent hypocrites like Malami hold and control the levers of government.

  • That peace may return to Great Ife: A rejoinder, by BOLANLE BOLAWOLE

    That peace may return to Great Ife: A rejoinder, by BOLANLE BOLAWOLE

    The “rejoinder” you are about to read, titled “Deepening neglect of public-funded education in Nigeria: OAU students’ protests as a metaphor”, was written by Prof. Omotoye Olorode, one of my mentors at the then University of Ife (now Obafemi Awolowo University) in response to the latest “students crisis” at Ife, with reference to two of my interventions on the same Ife.. “Prof.” or “Comrade” or simply “Toye”, as we fondly called him, was one of the Leftist lecturers/staff advisers who, teaching what they were not paid to teach (as the military dictators of yore had described their tribe!), formed the character and sharpened the understanding of many a fledgling student radicals in those years. We milled around them; drank from their fountain of knowledge; and, like Mother Hen, they threw a blanket of protection and respectability, even awe, around us in the eyes of fellow students and staff alike. Toye and his likes not only served Great Ife meritoriously but also shouted themselves hoarse providing an alternative Road Map to national development that the powers-that-be have spurned. Retired but not tired, his class analysis of the rot of public-funded education, as he called it, fits into the best Marxist-Leninist tradition of explaining production relations and the master-servant, oppressor-oppressed structure constructed on them, spanning the whole gamut of social, political, and economic relations. I respectfully differ from a few of his conclusions but space constraints will not allow us to dwell on that here today. Listen to Toye:

    “The massive ruling class siege and attack on working people created the current decay of our universities. And the decay is occurring simultaneously with the legendary level of private wealth accumulation among the members of Nigeria’s ruling class across the country! The 20 years between 1978 and 1998 witnessed an epic struggle in Nigeria. The struggle to rescue Nigeria and the education sector, especially the higher education segment, took on specific class character in the last 40 years—20 years (1978 -1998) largely under World Bank-supervised military dictatorship, and 20 years (1999-2021) under an alleged democracy also supervised by the World Bank and dominated by the same, and equally deadly, ideological forces spread across Nigeria.

    The central character of the four-decade long dispensation is privatisation, massive private accumulation of wealth by a tiny ruling-class, and general abandonment of social services provisioning (education, healthcare, basic utilities, etc.). Budgetary allocation to education has dwindled drastically in spite of the struggles of labour (ASUU’s in particular) and the students’ movement. The vicious attack on the students decimated their movement by the mid-1990s. From 1988, ASUU was banned several times. The Nigeria Labour Congress itself was directly under government sledge hammer between 1988 and 1999; the NLC had not recovered from that trauma!

    These are the general conditions that produced the general crisis of decay everywhere (public service, universities, utilities, security, roads, hospitals, etc.) and the progressive and deepening decay in our institutions of higher learning where workers are owed salaries or paid what they now call amputated wages. Yet, key decision-makers and their friends smile to the bank every day! Under the conditions of frustration, anger, and confusion in which our people live, and given that their capacity for resistance had been constantly stultified for years, any minor cause, not to talk of the loss of life of a young student or any human being for that matter, will spark a huge lot of reaction and conflagration!

    Where the ruling circles, those whose policies impose the current disaster on society, are untouchable (or are) armed and “invisible” to the victims, the victims (in this case various “interest groups” in the university community) turn their frustrations against one another. That was the background to my immediate reaction on social media when I heard of our tragic loss of Aisha Adesina at OAU… My exact reaction to the statement by [OAU] Senate concerning the unfortunate event was as follows: “OAU IFE STILL LOOKING FOR THE IMMEDIATE AND REMOTE CAUSES OF DECAY… Government-sponsored DECAY that was born more than two decades ago! Really depressing! When the academy dies, virtually ALL will be lost. And to know this is the same ‘Great Ife’ whose unflinching tradition of truth and courage generations of faculty and students sacrificed time, careers and blood to build!”

    I said “depressing” but I was actually embarrassed because “the remote” causes of our present situation, on all counts, had been in public view for at least 40 years! As the swearing-in of the [INEC-trained] Student Union EXCO has been suspended by OAU Senate, Management closed OAU on October 2; Senate met on October 5, commiserated with the family (of the deceased); condemned the students’ action and frowned on blocking of Ife-Ibadan and Ife-Ede roads; commended the Vice-Chancellor for “the prompt and proactive decisions to suspend students activities, stressing that precious lives could have been lost if actions had been delayed” (and) affirmed its support for decisions taken by management: That students vacate campus (and that the) swearing in of the newly-elected student union officers be put on hold.

    Earlier in the year, I had read “As OAU prepared for its 60th Anniversary (1)” by Mr Bola Bolawole [Wednesday, 14th April, 2021: reubenabatic.com.ng] where Mr Bolawole observed as follows: “Little wonder that the University is touted as the Best University in Africa. . . Sadly, the university has since fallen on hard times and is today a shadow of its former self as facilities and infrastructure have been allowed to decay and fall into bad shape. A couple of months ago, I went into Fajuyi Hall, whose hall chairman I was in 1981/82 to help my son move out his belongings and I wept. Everywhere and every facility was decrepit…Sorry for the digression!”

    For Mr Bolawole in April 2021, articulating “the sorry sight” was a digression. But for me and most university workers, especially ASUU members, across Nigeria, since about the time that Bolawole’s generation of radical, patriotic groups and alliances of progressive students entered the universities in Nigeria, the advancement of the decay in our alma mater, and the entire university system in Nigeria, had been the centrepiece of the crisis! It was that deepening of the crisis that compelled and enabled ASUU to force the Federal Government of Nigeria to carry out the Needs Assessment of 2013 and to start undertaking the subsequent, if largely token, amelioration of the decay in Federal and State Universities.

    I also saw a copy of, and read, ASUU OAU Branch’s statement of October 2, 2021 [signed by its Chairman, Dr. Adeola Egbedokun]. I need to highlight portions of ASUU’s statement because of the allegations against ASUU in the statement issued on the tragedy by SSANU Chairman, Comrade Taiwo Arobadi. Paragraph 2 of ASUU’s statement referred to “alleged circumstances that surrounded the death. . .” ASUU did not mention or make any allegations! Paragraph 3 stated “ASUU OAU would like to urge the university Administration to pay diligent attention to the health centre, as we cannot continue to pretend that all is well at the facility. We demand that the university administration should set up an independent Panel of Enquiry to look into the activities of the Health Centre with a view to finding lasting solutions to the perennial complaints of both staff and students against the centre.” In paragraph 4, ASUU was categorical: “ASUU OAU wishes to advise students to be law-abiding… in the course of their legitimate protest”.

    SSANU Chairman, Comrade Taiwo Arobadi, signed and circulated a release titled “SSANU COMMISERATE WITH THE UNIVERSITY”. The release asserted, inter alia: “The attention of SSANU has also been drawn to the unfortunate online release of ASUU OAU Chapter that the death…was as a result of the negligence by the staff and workers of the Health Centre. In the (ASUU) statement, there was reference to “perennial complaints of both staff and students against the centre” but there was no place in ASUU’s statement where anybody or group was accused of “negligence” by the ASUU (OAU) Chapter. Bola Bolawole’s “That peace may return to Great Ife”(turnpot@gmail.com), which I saw on the 6th of October, tallied some with ASUU (OAU’s) claim of “perennial complaints. . .” : Bolawole observed, “. . .the OAU Health Centre is not new to controversies. Students have protested against it from time immemorial.”

    At this point, some reflection on Mr. Bola Bolawole’s intervention, “That peace may return to Great Ife”, will appear to be in order. The rather hagiographic bent of Mr Bolawole’s intervention, as it relates to the incumbent VC, given the circumstance of the tragedy on ground, is worrisome. Basically, my worry has to do with what I consider to be the inappropriateness of apprehending the ambience of the tragedy on ground (the death of the young lady) as an occasion to highlight the achievements of the incumbent Vice-Chancellor. The VC may actually have been a star; and in that regard, I haven’t seen any comment accusing or denigrating Professor Eyitope Ogunbodede. But that is beside the point!

    To begin to rail against “disgruntled” elements, or a “minority” that lost out, “politicians” who were feeding protesters, etc., and these categories may actually exist, simply does not fit this tragic occasion. And it appears to me that it is the intrusion of hagiography in “That peace may return. . .” which generated the considerable equivocation in Mr. Bolawole’s comments on the state of healthcare facilities at OAU, all our universities and the healthcare facilities generally in our country. We must also begin a dialogue towards determining the credibility of the objections to public protests on account of the “possibility” of the so-called hoodlums joining, and/or the “actuality” that “hoodlums” do join or hijack the protests.

    This insistent refrain from segments of enlightened citizens is inimical to citizen’s right to public gatherings that are guaranteed by Nigerian law—the Police Act, 2020. As the “less government, more private accumulation” ruling class policies produced and reproduced what the class now call “hoodlums” and “miscreants”, these hungry and justifiably angry victims have become the excuse for systematic silencing of the growing “tribe” of poor people across Nigeria. And the paradigm has become a routine excuse by state actors for frequent virtual execution of protesters or just anyone who simply happens to be in any “wrong location” such as at the Lekki Toll Gate on October 20, 2020—the ultimate metaphor!

    As damaging as allegations of negligence against anyone or any group by aggrieved or distressed individuals can be, aggrieved or distressed individuals, quite often, make such allegations especially against public officers. False allegations of negligence are unfortunate, but ever present, hazards of serving other people. It is precisely because such allegations may be false that demands are made by responsible organisations that such allegations be investigated by an independent committee or commission! And if allegations are found to correspond to truth, remediation, restitution and reconciliation are made; and, if need be, sanctions are imposed to deter future occurrences.

    Demands for independent investigation by both Senate and ASUU, we must emphasise, do not remove the fact that workers in the Health Centre are generally hard-working, competent and dedicated people (doctors, cleaners, nurses, pharmacists, etc.) that I knew and know personally. They are our relatives, colleagues and co-workers who have shown dedication to the community, many times beyond the call of duty. Many of the health sector workers have, themselves, like NARD and JOHESU today, been complaining about the decrepit nature of health facilities since 1984! Today, there are doctors in public hospitals that have not been paid for ELEVEN MONTHS!

    It is also the truth that the decay of public institutions is not the invention of God or Providence. It is the manifestation of a certain political economy imposed on Nigeria since the close of the 1970s. Nigeria’s working people and their children have struggled with this imposition which has deepened social and economic inequality occasioned by the policies of overlapping ruling class regimes (military and civilian) that abandoned public welfare and reduced the value of worker’s earnings. Universities, health-care facilities and hospitals are abandoned. Students’ accommodations, staff housing are reduced or cancelled, subsidised catering facilities have been terminated since 1984 when 800 catering workers were sacked at the University of Ife and 10,000 nationwide. Workers and students resisted this impoverishment and humiliation of the Nigerian people. Student unions and workers’ unions (Cleaners’ Union, Students’ Union, ASUU, NASU, SSAUTHRIAI) fought side by side. Of course the ruling class fought back and many university people joined the oppressors. Students were imprisoned, dismissed, killed, etc. Lecturers were imprisoned and sacked. Most Vice-Chancellors and the so-called ‘Management’ were laughing to their banks, framing up students and handing them over to the police!

    The massive ruling class siege and attack on working people created the current decay of our universities. And the decay is occurring simultaneously with the legendary level of private wealth accumulation among the members of Nigeria’s ruling class across the country! It is the consequence of the siege on the victims of ruling class policies that subverted their organisational and inter-organisational integrity and solidarity. Students started fighting among themselves and against workers, segments of unions hooked on to government and their agents in the universities, private and primordial interests split unions. As solidarity wanes in the community, as individuals and groups take the law into their own hands or frantically surrender to ‘management’ that then help the government to impose irresponsible and anti-people policies like IPPIS, reduced funding, and the so-called cost-recovery strategies! The reinstatement of community and, especially workers’ solidarity, is the antidote to the current decay. We used to have, and to activate, this antidote! The incumbent VC at Ife himself seemed to have discovered, only recently, that IPPIS is subversive of university autonomy!

    A related issue regarding my worry about hagiography is the amount of effort said to have been invested in renovation, or is it reforming, of student unionism at OAU; complete with training of students by INEC! The student union was under a ban. It was unbanned, I heard, as an honour to the late Mr. Yinka Odumakin, an alumnus who was a patriotic student leader. Odumakin was in the generation of OAU student leaders who suffered constant intimidation in the hands of the university administration, the military, and the police authorities. Following this October protests, the OAU Students’ Union is now under virtual ban; INEC training or not!

    Many of the problems of our situation today underscore the problems of power believing that history does not matter! For a university, circumscribed historicism is particularly unfortunate. Take the example of the contrived controversy concerning whether the 60th Anniversary of the establishment of the University of Ife (now Obafemi Awolowo University) is 2021 or 2022! In “As OAU prepares for its 60th anniversary (1)” by Bola Bolawole (theshieldonlineng.com: accessed Sunday Oct. 10, 2021), the PRO to OAU [Biodun Olarewaju] was reported to have “corrected the impression that the university was established in 1962”. It was further asserted in the article: “…the erroneous impression emanated from the fact that students came into residence or that academic activities began in 1962”.

    I consider the debate unnecessary because it can also be reasonably argued that a university does not exist de facto unless academic activities begin in it! We all know why celebrations become so important in our institutions in spite of the decay that everyone acknowledges! In any case, the 10th Anniversary of the University of Ife was celebrated in 1972 by a significant segment of the founders! Chief Obafemi Awolowo, the inimitable Hezekiah Adedamola Oluwasanmi, (the Vice Chancellor), T.T. Solaru, Omolayole, etc., were there at the celebrations. Our senior colleagues Layi Ogunkoya, Segun Osoba, Sam Aluko, Biyi Afonja and others were there at the “Agric Foyer”. My humble self was there reporting for our campus magazine, Ife Dialogue — the publication of the Ife Dialogue Committee. We just hope and pray that the next administration will not, in spite of the dire situation of OAU, insist on celebrating the 60th Anniversary of OAU in 2022!

    And the tendency of the leaders of institutions to be “unavailable” during crises and periods when students are distressed needs to be terminated! Of course empathies are created and conditioned by the congruence of the interests of leaders and the communities they lead. Fortunately, at OAU, I can attest personally to the fact that H.A. Oluwasanmi was always there among the students during distress and crisis. Wande Abimbola was there too. So was Roger Makanjuola who even called Town Hall Meetings to dowse crisis! So were senior academics like Oyin Ogunba, Bayo Lamikanra and “Union people” like late Edmund Oshinaike, late Kola Olufemi and Tunde Fatunla, late Otas Ukpomwan, Dipo Fashina G. G. Darah, Folabo Soyinka-Ajayi, late J.D. Oke and Ayo Asafa, to mention just a few; even though “the Union people” end up carrying the can of being accused of “instigating the students”!

    We reiterate the point that the crisis of the abandonment of our universities by ruling class governments is bound to keep generating problems that will continue to divide the communities—workers against workers, students against workers, students against students! Yet, the only way to save the universities is for workers’ groups and students to be on the same side in the struggle against the deepening decay being imposed by the Nigerian ruling class and their collaborators.

  • Lamido Sanusi’s Manic Megalomania in Kaduna by Farouq Kperogi

    Lamido Sanusi’s Manic Megalomania in Kaduna by Farouq Kperogi

    On October 12, I received a message on WhatsApp, which the platform flagged as being “forwarded many times,” about how former Emir of Kano Sanusi Lamido Sanusi (or whatever he calls himself these days) caused Governor Nasir el-Rufai to fire his Chief of Staff for the “offence” of referring to Sanusi as the “former emir of Kano.”

    Because WhatsApp has become a cesspit of false, malicious misinformation, my default inclination was to dismiss the forwarded message as yet another fetid rhetorical garbage huckstered by low-IQ philistines who are still after Sanusi even after getting him dethroned.

    My response to the forwarded message was: “Why won’t these lowbrows leave this man alone? Sanusi is a deeply flawed man, but he is not so flawed that he’d be this ridiculously infantile and petty.”


    The forwarder of the message apologized for not being discriminating in what he believed, but a few hours later, an elder statesman from the North forwarded to me a 35-second video that featured a pastiche of soundbites from el-Rufai’s Chief of Staff identified as Muhammad Sani “Dattijo” Abdullahi and former Kano emir Sanusi that basically confirmed the forwarded message I’d dismissed as made-up anti-Sanusi propaganda.

    During the Kaduna Investment Summit in September, Abdullahi, who I learned is actually a zealous admirer of Sanusi, recognized cultural and political dignitaries at the occasion in the course of his speech. “Your Royal Highness [sic] the Emir of Zazzau and the former Emir of Kano,” he said without the dimmest clue that he had stirred up a hornet’s nest.


    When it was time for Sanusi to speak, he left no one in doubt that his brittle ego had been badly bruised by the reference to him as “the former emir of Kano” and that Abdullahi would pay a price for it.  “And to be honest… when I listened to the—I will call him former chief of staff and he’ll understand why later,” Sanusi said amid a nervous, subdued applause. “Next time don’t call me ‘former emir.’ There is nothing like that.”

    Like Sanusi threatened, Abdullahi later did become a “former chief of staff” two weeks later; he was “demoted” to a commissioner by el-Rufai. There are so many things that are wrong with this.
    First, it exemplifies the most vulgar show of what French theorist Pierre Bourdieu once referred to as symbolic violence. Symbolic violence occurs when people who wield symbolic, social, cultural, or political capital use the privilege of their capital to inferiorize people who are—or who they perceive to be— subordinate to them in order to lengthen and perpetuate the power distance between them.

    Many people have referred to Sanusi as a former emir of Kano, which he is because there can be only one emir of Kano, but he chose to scapegoat an appointee of his friend who can’t fight back, who is a mere appendicular part of his friend’s administration. That’s disreputably spineless. It’s flat-out cowardly bullying of a social inferior.
    Sanusi said “there’s nothing like” the “former emir of Kano,” but didn’t say how he should be addressed. Well, in the protocols of address in the English language, Abdullahi was correct to call Sanusi the former emir. “Former” is the more polite adjectival alternative to the harsher but more accurate “dethroned” or “deposed.”

    It would, of course, be bad form to describe Sanusi as a “dethroned” or “deposed” emir, but it would also be disrespectful to the current Emir of Kano to not indicate that Sanusi is no longer the emir of Kano. “Former emir of Kano” is the most neutral linguistic compromise that anyone can deploy to navigate the strange cultural minefield that Sanusi’s situation has created since monarchs typically reign until their death.

    Everyone knows it isn’t usual for monarchs to be dethroned. It’s even more unusual for dethroned monarchs to be gallivanting and preening all over the place after their dethronement. Anyone in Abdullahi’s position would be flustered by the unusualness of having to address a reigning monarch, that is, the Emir of Zazzau, and a deposed one, that is, Sanusi Lamido Sanusi, on the same occasion.
    Sanusi’s manic megalomania and cowardly symbolic violence (he still wears his royal regalia with idle courtiers in tow wherever he goes and demands to be treated like an imperial overlord) in the aftermath of his dethronement are the clearest justifications for the practice of ostracizing and confining deposed emirs to gaunt villages for the rest of their lives, which Sanusi has escaped because of his friendship with el-Rufai.

    Well, let’s examine a somewhat equivalent scenario in the case of Joseph Aloisius Ratzinger who later became Pope Benedict XVI when he was elected pope in April 2005. When he resigned in 2013 instead of ruling for life— like most other popes did and like most monarchs do—he came to be referred to as “the former pope.”

    A March 1, 2021 headline in the UK Guardian, which is one of the best newspapers in the English language, reads: “Former pope Benedict says ‘fanatical’ Catholics still won’t believe he’s not the pope.” An August 3, 2020 headline from CNN reads: “Former Pope Benedict recovering from ‘painful but not serious condition,’ Vatican says.” Reuters, the world’s second biggest news agency, once called him an “ex-pope.”
    Sanusi’s apologists say since Ratzinger is sometimes referred to as “emeritus pope,” Sanusi should also be dignified as an “emeritus emir.” I actually like the rhythmic quality to the title. Unfortunately, Sanusi isn’t qualified to be an “emeritus emir” by any definition of “emeritus.” Emeritus status is conferred only on people who have retired “honourably” from their positions. Being dethroned is by definition a dishonourable discharge from duty.

    Others say he should have been referred to as the 14th emir of Kano. First, the fact that he is 14 and the current emir is 15 makes him a “former emir” by default. Second, most people don’t keep count of the number of emirs that Kano—or any monarchy—has had in their active memory. It’s useless knowledge. And it’s unfair to expect el-Rufai’s former chief of staff to remember that, more so that he didn’t mention the numerical position of the Emir of Zazzau along whom he introduced Sanusi.
    Plus, the counting is arbitrary and contestable. Sanusi may be the 14th Fulani ruler of Kano, but he isn’t the 14th emir of Kano—if by “emir” we mean a Muslim ruler. (Emir, after all, is an English word for a Muslim ruler, which came to the language via French, ultimately from the Arabic amir, which basically means ruler.)

    The first Muslim ruler of Kano was Yaji I who ruled from 1349 to 1385. He proclaimed Islam as Kano’s official religion and Kano as an Islamic emirate. The 1804-1808 jihad, which brought Sanusi’s ancestors to power in Kano, took place many centuries after Kano had had Hausa Muslim rulers.
    Most importantly, though, the most revered title is no title, and only people who battle an inner hollowness try to compensate for their inferiority complex by hanging on to titles. That is why Isa Ali Ibrahim Pantami bought a needless “fraudfessorial” title from FUTO. It is why Nigerians who were once professors but who no longer teach at any university resent being addressed as “former” professors.

    Many years ago, I watched a debate between the late South African Islamic scholar Ahmed Deedat and a Christian preacher. In the spirit of conversational civility, the Christian preacher wanted to address Deedat by his preferred title, so he asked Deedat if he wanted to be called “Sheikh” or “Mr.”
    My recollection of this televised encounter is hazy, but I distinctly recall Deedat saying something to the effect that the best title is no title, saying he hoped he’d get to a stage in life where a title would be unnecessary to identify him.

    That encounter lingers in my mind to this day because I’ve discovered that the more consequential people are, the less need they have for titles to make them consequential. Karl Marx got his PhD in his early 20s, but nobody addresses him as Dr. Karl Marx.  Sigmund Freud had a doctorate in medicine, but no one calls him Dr. Sigmund Freud.

    Martin Luther King, Jnr. got his PhD in his 20’s, too, but it’s increasingly becoming passé to call him Dr. Martin Luther King. (It was necessary to call him by his full titles—The Reverend Dr.—when he was alive because Black men of his time were belittled as “boys” irrespective of their accomplishments).

    Nelson Mandela is now just known as Mandela. Noam Chomsky, the most cited living scholar in the world, is hardly addressed as Professor Noam Chomsky or, as is the norm in America, Dr. Noam Chomsky. And it’s just Stephen Hawking, not Professor Stephen Hawking. Toyin Falola, by far the most accomplished Nigerian scholar in the humanities and social sciences, doesn’t like the title “Professor” prefixed to his name.

    If you need a title to feel respected, you clearly are still not “there” yet. Some names are so far weightier than the titles they earned that prefixing the titles to their names belittles them. Wole Soyinka, for example, is far weightier than the title “professor.” In fact, it is because of people like Soyinka, Achebe, Falola, waThiong’o, etc. that the title has weight.

  • Definitive case against Pantami’s FUTO fraud Professorship

    By Farooq Kperogi

    There are basically three legitimate ways to become a professor: by climbing the professional ladder in a university; by being appointed to the position from outside academia in recognition of vast and varied industry experience or artistic wizardly in a field; and through a courtesy appointment. Isa Ali Ibrahim Pantami’s record does not qualify him for any.

    Let’s start with the first. Pantami’s undergraduate degree in computer science from the Abubakar Tafawa Balewa University (ATBU), Bauchi, was earned in 2003. That’s less than 20 years ago.

    When he started his academic career as a Graduate Assistant at ATBU in 2004, the computer science department that awarded him his bachelor’s degree rejected him because his degree was “weak”; he was instead employed in the Information Technology section of the Faculty of Management where he also got his master’s degree in 2010/2011 and got promoted to Assistant Lecturer.

    In 2011, he got the Petroleum Trust Fund Development (PTDF) scholarship to study for a PhD at the Department of Management in the Aberdeen Business School of Robert Gordon University, which he earned in August 2014.

    Upon his return to ATBU, he was promoted to Lecturer 1—skipping one rank. He requested to be promoted to Senior Lecturer but was denied because he had insufficient publication record to justify his request. He resigned in protest and took up an appointment at the Salafist, male-Muslim-only Islamic University of Madinah as an Assistant Professor of Information Science.

    In 2016, he accepted a government appointment as DG of NITDA and has never returned to academia since then.

    Now, three criteria are used to promote academics: teaching, research, and service. Pantami’s entire university teaching record is less than 10 years—if you consider that he never taught either at ATBU or at Robert Gordon University (although he lied that he did during his senate confirmation hearing) during his three years of doctoral studies.

    His research output is even more underwhelming. Although he brags about having “over 160 publications,” his actual scholarly output is really thin for someone who wants to be a professor.

    When I checked SCOPUS, the well-regarded database of top-level, peer-reviewed academic journals, using his legal name, that is, Isa Ali Ibrahim (Pantami is the name of his neighborhood in Gombe town, which he doesn’t legally bear), only three articles and one citation came up.

    Of the three articles, he is the single author of one (which is actually only a 2-page country report) and a distant co-author in two. All three articles were published between 2018 and 2019 while he’s in government.

    But SCOPUS can be unjustifiably exclusionary, so I looked him up on Google Scholar, a more expansive and laissez faire database of scholarly articles and books. He has exactly 10 articles and 39 citations there. Of the 10 articles, he is the first or sole author of 5 and a “tag-me-along” co-author of 5.

    Sadly, at least 5 of his 10 articles are in dubious, pay-to-play, predatory journals that would destroy the academic career of any scholar in a serious country. Most of the articles were accepted and published in the same month that they were submitted!

    Since peer review typically takes months, the articles were clearly not peer-reviewed.

    Evidence of a lack of peer review is evident in the fact that several of the articles are riddled with avoidable proofreading and grammatical errors. Plus, many of them, such as one that was basically an unimaginative 7-page rehash of publicly available facts about NAFDAC, are flat-out scholarly scams that a serious undergraduate won’t even be caught committing.

    He published only two scholarly articles—in 2013 (from his PhD thesis) and in 2015—before he came to government, which explains why ATBU refused to promote him to senior lectureship.

    By 2014 when he wanted to be a Senior Lecturer, he had only one notable publication.

    There is no serious university in the world that can legitimately promote a former Lecturer I (at ATBU) or an Assistant Professor (at the Islamic University of Madinah) overnight to the position of professor with only 10 substandard publications in predatory journals and 39 citations. The minimum number of publications required to be promoted to professorship in most Nigerian universities is 15. A professor should ideally have at least 100 citations.

    Plus, Pantami didn’t spend up to a year as Lecturer I. Nigerian academics are required to spend at least 3 years in a rank. Three years as a Lecturer I, 3 years as a Senior Lecturer, and 3 years as a Reader would give you 9 years. That means he needs to spend at least 9 years in the university after his ministerial appointment—and publish a few more articles— to be qualified for promotion to professor. In Saudi Arabia, it would require at least 8 more years.

    (Of course, if he was actually employed by FUTO that “promoted” him, his unmerited professorship wouldn’t have attracted any notice since there are several such examples of perversions of traditions all over Nigerian universities. It’s the absurdity of being promoted to a professor at and by a university he was never affiliated with while he’s a serving minister that made the fraud stick out like a sore thumb.)

    Also note that Pantami’s PhD is in management, a social science discipline, not in computer science or cybersecurity. So, it’s doubly fraudulent that he has been “promoted” to the professorship of a discipline he didn’t study or publish in extensively.

    His doctoral dissertation, titled “A theoretical and empirical investigation of the barriers to the adoption of state-of-the-art information systems by Nigerian indigenous oil companies,” which is freely available on the Internet, is basically a survey of employees of Nigerian oil companies on their perceptions of IT policies in their places of employment. It’s a social scientific study that any political science, sociology, or economics graduate can conduct.

    Now that I have established that he can’t legitimately be a professor anywhere in the world on the basis of his scholarship and pedagogy, can he be appointed a professor on the strength of his industry experience? No! The only other job Pantami has ever done outside of government and his less than 10 years of university teaching is being the Imam of ATBU. He has never invented any cybersecurity patent and has never worked in a cybersecurity company.

    Ad
    The only discipline that can validly appoint him as a professor of practice is Islamic Studies. Say what you may about him, he is one of northern Nigeria’s most prodigious and consequential Islamic exegetes. His oeuvre in Islamic exegesis is unquestionably worthy of a professorial appointment in Islamic jurisprudence.

    That’s the path of least resistance he should have taken since he desperately desires to be addressed as a professor.

    In defense of Pantami’s professorial fraud, one Professor Tukur Sa’ad hashed over a litany of people who became professors without terminal degrees and without prior teaching experience, as if I didn’t already make that point and called it an example of what we call a “professor of practice” in American academe.

    In my December 20, 2015 column titled “A Comparison of Everyday University Vocabularies in Nigeria, America, and Britain (II),” I gave an even more dramatic example than Sa’ad’s in the late Maya Angelou who was a lifetime endowed professor of American literature at Wake Forest University but who didn’t have a bachelor’s degree.

    Wole Soyinka, Chinua Achebe, JP Clark, Ngugi wa Thiong’o and a host of other literary icons didn’t have—and didn’t need to have—a PhD to become professors. Apart from the fact that they didn’t climb the professorial mountain from the top (they started from lectureship), their path-breaking and prodigiously creative output was equivalent to—and in some cases exceed—a PhD.

    In North American universities, it’s called “Research and Creative Activity” for a reason. Wole Soyinka, Achebe, JP Clark, etc. had vast and varied oeuvres in “creative activity” before they became professors. Plus, during their time, the possession of a PhD was not a requirement to move through the academic hierarchy.

    Pantami does not come even remotely close to their record in the field FUTO awarded him a fraudulent professorship. In any case, Soyinka, Achebe, etc. taught at the universities where they were professors. Pantami is a serving minister.

    How about a courtesy professorship? Pantami isn’t qualified for that, either. A courtesy professorship is a professorial appointment given to distinguished professors at other universities who need not be at the universities that appointed them.

    It’s called an “honorary professor” in some UK universities, an “extraordinary professor” in South African universities, and a “professor-at-large” in others. It’s basically an honor given to people who’re already professors elsewhere, so you can’t become a courtesy professor at another university if you are not already one somewhere else.

    Some people said Pantami’s “achievements” as a minister are worthy of a professorial appointment. Haha! OK, so people who imagine themselves to be successful in whatever they do should now apply to FUTO for a Pantamizedfraudfessorship to aggrandize their insecure egos?

    Look, I’m calling out Pantami’s professorial fraud not in spite of my being a Muslim and his friend but because I’m a Muslim and his friend. My father, who was a Hafiz like him, would disown me if I ignored or gave comfort to fraud.

  • FRCN Putting Lives Of Journalists At Risk- An Open Letter To Lai Muhammed

    Busy Brain Writes From ‘Afghanistan

    My heart bleeds as Jos is boiling; not only Jos, Nigeria is an abattoir, temple of killing, the castle of kidnapping. In Nigeria, the worse is happening and the regions are no longer at ease.

    The killings are en-mass and now at their peak. Traveling beyond one’s state has become a threat to life. Aside from bumpy roads, the fear of men of the underworld on a rampage is worrisome. The death toll is on the rise as if the country is at war.

    The recent attack on NDA in Kaduna by bandits was not only a national mess but a big disgrace to Nigeria’s security structure. Of what courage will bloody civilians summon when the armed military men fell to the attack of bandits that killed officers in their zone. Who else can boast of safety? The worse is happening, the worse has come.

    The scenarios in Nigeria can not be said to be different from those in Afghanistan. A similar evacuation in Kabul is already happening in Jos. Government of different states evacuating their indigenous students from Jos like Kabul. The narrative is simple: like Kabul, like Jos.

    Upon the gory scenes happening intermittently in the country, Presidency and Benue State Governor are on blame trade, throwing banters and tantrums. Governor Ortom and President Buhari have become rivals on the pages of newspapers and television channels. President Buhari’s defenders have never for once conceded defeat on killings even when Kaduna and Benue now share a border with heaven with Jos inclusive. If not the President, who is to be blamed for insecurity. The bitter truth the Presidency did not want to hear.

    Back to the basic, despite the chancy, risky nature of the country as discussed above, the management of Federal Radio Corporation of Nigeria ( FRCN) seems to be inconsiderate through the risky channel explored for promotion exercise of the staff ( journalists working in the stations ).

    This is the 21st century and the Radio Nigeria Management wants staff in different regions to endanger their lives and travel to a particular state to write promotion exams when such exams can be written in their respective states. For instance, states in South West will travel to Ibadan to write the exam while all states in South South will go to Rivers State. Journalists working in Radio Nigeria stations in North Central will travel to Nassarawa State to write a promotion exam in one remote area. At times, one wonders why Nigeria is still under development, part of the wicked policy of some Federal agencies put the clock of Nigeria’s progress backward. The country is already bleeding and wailing for help in the hands of kidnappers, bandits, Boko harams. For promotion exams that can be written and collated in their states, it is wickedness and insensitivity of FRCN to expose the journalists to danger all in the name of promotion.

    Of course, the Honorable Minister of Information and Culture, Alhaji Lai Muhammad can change the narrative and restructure the tedious, tiring and risky process of the promotion exercise for safety of journalists. Radio Nigeria in each state should conduct the promotion exercise for its staff as we have in tertiary institutions and send collated results to FCT. This is the digital era.

    Similarly, the years of application for the promotion exercise should be reviewed to conform with other Federal Government agencies. Four years application interval is a setback for any forward-thinking government that wants its employees to develop. The journalist that misses promotion in a year should be granted the privilege to re-apply in the following year, not after four years.

    To the Honorable Minister, Alhaji Lai Muhammed, for being one of the defenders in the Presidency who always shoots out any truth-revealing matter that requires serious attention. I hope this meets you well in peace to take drastic action to save the Journalists that will be exposed to danger in the name of promotion exercise. At this critical period, the review of this wicked policy on the promotion of journalists in Federal Radio Stations is required.

    Prevention is better than ransom.

  • Abba Kyari’s Murky Route To Self-Destruction

    Abba Kyari’s Murky Route To Self-Destruction

    ( Busy Brain Writes In From Adamawa State on Friday 6th August 2021 )

    The event of Hushpuppi and Abba Kyari has been the talk of the nation since last week. Initially, it was like a mild drama but eventually transmogrified to a very serious national cum international discourse. Like our usual tradition in Nigeria, I think it would be a mere indictment that would make headlines for some days and be swept under carpet but in this regard, the FBI really mean business against our celebrated super cop. The action movie is now getting deeper and gaining lengthy waves.

    I have heard of Abba Kyari’s success stories in combating crime, winning many wars against kidnapping, banditry, robbery, and Bokoharaming. Many video footages had previously emerged in the media publicizing Kyari’s giant strides as IG-IRT. We have heard of his victories, awards, and accolades as one of the most celebrated cops in Nigeria. The media rush has glued Abba Kyari to the social elites, celebrities of high timber and caliber carelessly without little caution. Abba Kyari enjoyed media encomiums and dwells in the pool of stardom which is not required of his profession.

    Till now, I have not read or heard of any police officer with such exploration like Kyari, a valorous, giant, and highly intelligent officer to the core. Of course, these emblems have portrayed him as a good officer among others. Unfortunately, the slippery nature of Nigeria’s soil has overturned his super cop emblem to mockery and reproach.

    To me, Abba Kyari was never overrated. He worked diligently for the honors. He served gallantly and maintained a good tempo in the murky terrain of his profession. Show me the perfect man and I will tell you how my mother is still a virgin after many births.

    I don’t expect Abba Kyari to be perfect. Not even as a police officer but where he tailored his ‘runs-hood’ got many disappointed. Whatsapp conversation released by the FBI indicated how he wined and dined with the staunch fraudster. Before Hushppuppi’s indictment, he was seen at Cubbana’s burial. I want to believe if Cubana is arrested today, Kyari may likely be indicted again because the kind of jamboree and profligacy spending at such occasion did not befit a super cop. The kind of relationship that exists between Abba Kyari, Hushppupi, and other socialites is unprofessional.

    Money is the root of all evils, that’s unarguable, human insatiable nature is also a factor. One will be marveled at how Hushpuppi dominated the WhatsApp conversations, controlling and compelling Kyari to arrest, detain and give Chibuzo, his scam partner the beating of his life. Everything in the conversation is an eyesore that added to the already battered and shattered image of the Nigeria Police Force.

    Least of wonders, after Abba Kyari’s indictment by Hushppupi and his extradition brouhaha, Kyari, the intelligent officer rushed to the media to prove himself innocent, a woeful attempt to crisis management. Abba Kyari has forgotten that he is dealing with the FBI; not Nigeria security agencies. Abba Kyari, the intelligent officer should have known that the FBI is armed with concrete, credible and factual shreds of evidence. He should know better with his level of experience that before Hushpuppi, a fraudster he once favored could be frustrated to mention his name in the scam deal, series of accurate and factual investigations had been done and dusted. Abba Kyari should have engaged a good lawyer and PR agency before narrating clothe seller/tailor stories on his Facebook page. Turning himself to fashion consultant all in the name of defence was too cheap and disgusting.

    The two different tales narrated by Abba Kyari were contradictory. Initially, he talked about how Hushpuppi loved his outfit on his page and connected him to the clothe seller/tailor. He said Hushpuppi transferred 300k to the clothe seller directly. In another clime, he edited the post and erased the part that involved clothe selling and 300k transaction. Abba Kyari should have calmed down a little bit before shooting himself in the leg with contradictory stories. Crisis management requires tactics and professionalism, not by being a detective.

    Discussing clothing to obtain a soft landing in a serious allegation handled by the FBI is nothing but a messy disappointment. From Abba Kyari’s two tales, the realities and the lies are very obvious. Too visible.

    For Abba Kyari, this is a torrid and tortuous route to self-destruction after many applauds and commendations. Now he has a tiny chance to come out of this unscathed.

    Three things cannot be long hidden: The Sun, The Moon, and The Truth…The world is watching!

    Busy Brain is a media writer, journalist, and Public Relations Practitioner

    BeezyBrain247@gmail.com